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Sociology 257: Aging & Society
Debate
Generational Equity
The question of generational equity
refers to the debate about whether one age group or generation is unfairly
"taxed" in order to support the needs and interests of another generation.
Sociologists have argued that the generational equity debate does not need
to be a divisive issue.
It also must be noted at the onset
that little evidence exists of intergenerational conflict and that the
selective preoccupations with generational equity tend to ignore existing
relations between different generations.
Nonetheless, a debate has emerged.
And the shape of the debate may change soon. An attractive new feature
to the shape of the debate is that breakthroughs in biological research
are likely to have imponderable effects that go in opposite directions.
Some theorists believe that current biological research could make arguments
about generational equity markedly different than they have been. For instance,
if life expectancy from age 75 were to rise noticeably (again) for large
numbers of people, the change is likely to have unfavorable consequences
for the fiscal solvency of Social Security. By comparison, if we found
a way to prevent, but not cure, Alzheimer's Disease, then costs for long-term
care could go down substantially (but only for future cohorts). Where should
biomedical research orient itself?
Three common suppositions upholding
the belief that entitlement programs for the elderly drain economic resources
needed by other segments of the population are [1] the notion that the
elderly are no longer economically disadvantaged, [2] the suggestion that
working-class men and women and their children suffer as a result of programs
for the elderly, and [3] the idea that only the elderly have a stake in
Social Security, Medicare, and other government programs.
The existing argument is over what
constitutes a "fair share" of societal resources for the elderly and it
is as old as history itself. Prof. John Williamson (Sociology, Boston College)
recently commented: "Most any society, especially those near the margins,
has had to deal with the issue of elderly dependents and what support,
if any, they should receive from other generations. It was a topic of great
interest in ancient Greece and Rome, just as it was in the colonial era,
when the point of contention centered around who would have control of
the family farm."
In my view, Thomas Cole identifies
the larger problem of the "question of justice between young and old:"
It is our culture's inability to provide convincing answers to existential
questions like the quality of life in old age, the unity and integrity
of the life cycle, and the meaning of aging. He contends that "We will
be unable to answer questions of distribution of resources without first
defining the meaning and purposes of the last half of life." He decries
the absence of a coherent, established, and meaningful place for the elderly
in our society. An understanding of the obligations and responsibilities
as well as the rights and opportunities of old age is necessary.
Certain underlying assumptions, or
the "social contract" between generations, have guided the expectations
and obligations that historically and presently exist between generations,
and these assumptions also seem to be the underpinning for the current
generational equity debate. Ironically, as the nation reconsider its old
age entitlement programs, the "social contract" between generations faces
significant structural changes that have upheld the contract:
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Never before have so many people in the
United States lived so long.
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The shrinking size of families means that
the proportion of elderly people is growing faster than the number of younger
potential caretakers. Young people now can expect to spend more years caring
for an elderly parent than raising their own children.
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Changes in family structure, including
childless couples, single-parent families, and delayed childbearing, alter
the traditional patterns of intergenerational care.
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The growth of the welfare state (more
than the changing demographics?) in the last century means that different
generations are forced to compete for the different entitlement programs
that provide social and economic assistance. Children are poor because
their parents are poor, and their parents are poor because of market forces
that have nothing to do with elders.
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With the doubling of the elderly population
over the next 30 years, we have no choice but to address both Social Security
and Medicare. Today we have a relatively small number of retirees compared
to a relative large number of working age citizens. This is about to change,
permanently. The baby boom generation is poised to begin getting Social
Security benefits in less than a decade. At the same time, longevity is
increasing, perhaps faster than official projections note. The twin pressures
of increasing longevity and baby boomers' retirement will result in an
increase in the portion of elderly from about 12 percent of the nation's
population today to 20-24 percent by 2040. Today's preschoolers, who will
be working age taxpayers when that time comes, may find it a struggle to
finance Social Security, Medicare, and large portions of Medicaid—the chief
income security and health insurance supports for elderly Americans—if
other changes are not undertaken.
In sum, at least four major issues are
regularly discussed within the context of generational equity: The
allocation of resources between older adults and children, the concern
over large deficits, the distribution of health care resources to groups
with competing claims, and the fairness of financing Social Security by
younger generations. There are, however, alternative perspectives that
are either entirely absent from the discussion or are given only obligatory
recognition when mentioned: class, race, ethics, and historical perspectives.
Should the focus of this debate be shifted to generational interdependence,
and supporters of the elderly become "loud and articulate advocates" for
children, youth, and all generations.
The DEBATE question: Should
age or need be a basis for entitlement?
Selected
References
Catchen, H. (1989). Generational
equity: Issues of gender and race. In L. Grau & I. Susser (Eds.), Women
in the later years: Health, social, and cultural perspectives (pp.
21-38). New York: Haworth Press.
Cole, T.R. (1989). Generational equity
in America: a cultural historian's perspective. Social Science and Medicine,
29,
377-83
Ekerdt, D. J. (1998). Entitlements, generational
equity, and public-opinion manipulation in Kansas City. The Gerontologist,
38,
525-536.
Minkler, M. (1986). "Generational equity"
and the new victim blaming: An emerging public policy issue. International
Journal of Health Services, 16, 539-51.
Minkler, M., & Robertson, A. (1991).
Generational equity and public health policy: a critique of "age/race war"
thinking. Journal of Public Health Policy, 12, 324-44
Morgan, S. P. (1993). Generational equity
and measurement bias: Who is really poor? Journal of Aging Studies,
7,
453-464.
Quadagno, J. (1989). Generational equity
and the politics of the welfare state. Politics and Society, 17,
353-376.
Wisensale, S. K. (1989). Generational
equity and intergenerational policies. The Gerontologist, 28,
773-778.
Wisensale, S. K. (1999). Grappling with
the generational equity debate: An ongoing challenge for the public administrator.
Public
Integrity, 1 (Winter), 1-19.
Electronic Resources
Dean Baker. Nine misconceptions about
social security. The Atlantic Monthly.
http://www.theatlantic.com/issues/98jul/socsec.htm
Theda Skocpol. Delivering for young families.
The American Prospect.
http://www.prospect.org/archives/28/28skoc.html
Fay Lomax Cook. Can public support for
programs for older Americans survive?
http://www.library.nwu.edu./publications/nupr/cook.html
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