The Moral Economy of the Peasant
2/05/01
I. Overview of James Scott's Weapons of the Weak (1985)
A. Engels, Chayanov, Sahlins: ignore relations outside of household
B. Scott: household depends on two things1. political and economic context of productionC. Political scientist
2. relations with social community
D. Key question: why don't peasants revolt?
E. Moral Economy of Sedaka (pseudonym)
F. Capitalism disrupts moral economy
F. Everyday resistance, weapons of the weak
G. Measure resistance by intentions, not outcomeII. The Moral Economy of Sedaka
A. Moral Economy of the Peasant (1976)
B. Peasant societies: villages, reciprocity, mutual dependence
C. Rich and poor, but community's interests are linked ==> cooperation1. landlord needs laborD. Non-economic ties soften class antagonism
2. feasts
3. gifts
4. general assistance1. kinshipE. Capitalism disrupts moral economy, people idealize the past
2. neighborhood
3. religion
F. Moral economy = idealized model to interpret world, shapes behaviorIII. Economic Development: The Green Revolution on the Muda Plain
A. Scott's research, 1978-1980
B. Malaysian government's policy of rapid economic development1. population shift from ag to industryC. Immediate Impact of Green Revolution
2. inexpensive industrial exports fuel economic development
3. keep wages low, keep agricultural prices low
4. Green Revolution to promote agricultural productivitya. Sedaka is part of Muda Plain, Malaysia's "Rice Bowl"
b. dam, irrigation projects
c. fertilizer
d. new strains of high-yield rice
e. machinery, ag technology
f. double-cropping1. Production increases 250%D. In 1979, Scott observes:
2. Benefits wealthy more than poor1. More consumer goods
2. Increased supply of goods
3. Decline in out-migration, peasants work year-round (67)
4. 61.8% of population owns less than 2.83 acres, below the "poverty line" (69)
5. Land prices rise by 500%
6. Small farms are getting smaller, poor need wage labor
7. Fewer tenant farmers
8. Polarization between subsistence farmers and large commercial operations (71)
9. Land tenancy shifted from paddy to up-front cash payments
10. Mechanization led to 50% loss in wages
11. Landlords get outside labor, no longer provide services for workers (120)
12. Wealthy control access to government aid programsIV. Scott's Model of Economic Development
A. Capitalism intrudes on old order
B. Ideology lags behind economics ==> possibility for resistanceV. Strategies of Resistance
A. Sedakan losers1. Poor made poorer by economic developmentB. Sedakan winners: justify actions in terms of moral economy
2. Everyday resistance, concrete and symbolica. actions: obstruct combines, threaten to boycott transplanting for farmers who mechanize, minimize their effort by beating rice sheaves only a few times, and engage in petty theft of paddy and property, killing livestock
b. delay tactics, keep wealthy embedded in moral world of peasants
c. not openly acknowledged, no armed resistance
d. words: accuse rich of being stingy, unconcerned for peasant welfare, immoral, untrue to Islamic ideals
C. Scott: everyday resistance is class struggle, done covertly
D. Deference challenges and reinforces class structure
E. Peasants as weak, but not passiveVI. Intent, Action, and Outcome: Scott's Critique of Hegemony
A. Marx: superstructure serves interests of dominant classes
B. Antonio Gramsci (1891-1937)1. Hegemony, ideological dominanceC. Scott: hegemony is part of public transcript
2. Poor buy into the system, false consciousness
D. Private transcript: poor voice fact that they don't accept subordination
E. Scott's arguments against Marx and Gramsci1. Subordinate classes see and critique the prevailing ideologyF. Invisibility and failure of everyday resistance reflects peasants' material limitations, dependence, not lack of desire to resist
2. Acceptance of the inevitability of a socio-economic order and their own dependence prompts peasants to pursue subtler strategies of resistance
3. Ideology creates the terms for its own resistance by publicly justifying its power in ways which can be contested
4. What makes revolution revolutionary is its means (violence), not its goals
5. Dominant ideologies are broken by new forces, such as capitalism, not by lower classes
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For more information, contact: aleshkow@holycross.edu