UNIT XIII
SALLUST
    C. Sallustius Crispus (ca.87-35 B.C.) held political office in the turbulent middle decades of the first century B.C. Born of a plebeian family, he was tribune in 52 B.C., and shortly afterwards gained admission to the senate, from which, however, he was removed by censure in 50 B.C. He sided with Caesar in the Civil War and was awarded a second quaestorship, senatorial status again, a military command in Illyricum, and finally a proconsulship of the province of Numidia in Africa. In 44 B.C. he retired to his lavish estate in Rome where all these political experiences served as ample material for his late life passion, history writing. His primary, extant, historical works are the De Catilinae Coniuratione, also known as Bellum Catilinae, and the Bellum Iugurthinum.

    Sallust's historical style breaks from the annalistic style of Caesar since he sacrifices strict chronological development for a pronounced rhetorical flair and vivid character development. As a result, the sequence of events during the years 66 to 63 B.C. are at times confusing in his narration of the Catilinarian conspiracy, but his lively and penetrating description of Catiline (see selection A) leaves no doubt about this conspirator's sinister intentions to violate peace and harmony in Rome. In this essay, Sallust also reveals his political indebtedness to Caesar by unduly patronizing him. Because of this excessive acknowledgment, Sallust was chastised by John Clarke in the introduction to his 1743 translation of Sallust:
 

But then he (Caesar) had nothing in him, that bore any Resemblance
of a Virtue, but what was directly intended to promote the worst and
most wicked Design, that can enter into the Heart of Man to conceive,
the Destruction of the Liberties of his Country. The Generosity,
Easiness and Clemency, our Author celebrates him for, were in him
Arts or Tricks, practised purely with a View to acquire, and secure to
himself, the Possession of an arbitrary Power over his Fellow-Citizens.
    Sallust's Bellum Iugurthinum (112-106 B.C.) is a lively story of adventure in which the movements of great Roman generals are traced through the wilds of Numidia (see selection B), the kingdom of the clever and unscrupulous African prince and general, Jugurtha. In addition to the polished orations (see selection C) which this work contains, it also includes several moralizing passages on the venality, bribery and corruption which could be found in abundance in Rome at the end of the second century B.C. (see selection D). Because of these vivid descriptions of vice and virtue, and because of the appeal of his compact writing style, Sallust's historical works were included in the curricula of virtually every early American college.       The following reading selections are from Henry Lee's text and translation of C. C. Sallustii Bellum Catilinarium & Jugurthinum, printed in London in 1744.


READING SELECTIONS










    A. Bellum Catilinarium - chapter #5:

 
L. Catilina, nobili genere natus, fuit magna vi & animi, & corporis, sed ingenio malo,
pravoque. Huic ab adolescentia intestina bella, caedes, rapinae, discordia civilis, grata fuere:
ibique juventutem suam exercuit. Corpus patiens inediae, algoris, vigiliae, supra quam
cuiquam credibile est. Animus audax, varius, subdolus, cujuslibet rei simulator ac
dissimulator, alieni appetens, sui profusus, ardens in cupiditatibus: satis eloquentiae,     5
sapientiae parum: vastus animus immoderata, incredibilia, nimis alta semper cupiebat.
Hunc, post dominationem L. Sullae, libido maxuma invaserat reipublicae capiundae:
neque, id quibus modis assequeretur, dum sibi regnum pararet, quidquam pensi habebat.
Agitabatur magis magisque in dies animus ferox inopia rei familiaris, & conscientia
scelerum: quae utraque his artibus auxerat, quas supra memoravi. Incitabant               10
praeterea corrupti civitatis mores: quos pessuma, ac diversa inter se mala, luxuria
atque avaritia vexabant.
    B. Bellum Jugurthinum - chapter #89:
 
Sed consul, uti statuerat, oppida, castellaque munita adire: partim vi, alia metu, aut
praemia ostentando, avertere ab hostibus. Ac primo mediocria gerebat, existumans
Jugurtham ob suos tutandos in manus venturum. Sed ubi illum procul abesse, & aliis
negotiis intentum accepit; majora, & magis aspera aggredi tempus visum est. Erat
inter ingentis solitudines oppidum magnum, atque valens, nomine Capsa: cujus             5
conditor Hercules Libys memorabatur. Ejus cives apud Jugurtham immunes, levi
imperio, & ob ea fidelissumi habebantur: muniti advorsum hostis non moenibus
modo, & armis atque viris, verum etiam multo magis locorum asperitate. Nam
praeter oppido propinqua, alia omnia vasta, inculta, egentia aquae, infesta
serpentibus: quarum vis, sicuti omnium ferarum, inopia cibi acrior: ad hoc, natura      10
serpentium ipsa perniciosa, siti magis, quam alia re accenditur. Ejus potiundi
Marium maxima cupido invaserat, cum propter usum belli, tum quia res aspera
videbatur: & Metellus oppidum Thalam magna gloria ceperat, haud dissimiliter
situm, munitumque; nisi quod apud Thalam non longe a moenibus aliquot fontes
erant. Capsenses una modo, atque ea intra oppidum jugi aqua, caetera pluvia            15
utebantur. Id ibique, & in omni Africa, quae procul a mari incultius agebat, eo
facilius tolerabatur, quia Numidae plerumque lacte, & ferina carne vescebantur,
& neque salem, neque alia irritamenta gulae quaerebant. Cibus illis advorsum
famem, & sitim, non libidini neque luxuriae erat.


    C. Bellum Jugurthinum - Chapter #85:
 

Equidem ego non ignoro, si jam mihi respondere velint, abunde illis facundam, &
compositam orationem fore. Sed in maxumo vestro beneficio, cum omnibus locis
me, vosque maledictis lacerent, non placuit reticere, ne quis modestiam in
conscientiam duceret. Nam me quidem ex animi sententia nulla oratio laedere
potest. Quippe vera, necesse est bene praedicet: falsam vita, moresque mei              5
superant. Sed quoniam vestra consilia accusantur, qui mihi summum honorem,
& maxumum negotium imposuistis: etiam atque etiam reputate, num id
poenitendum sit. Non possum, fidei causa, imagines, neque triumphos, aut
consulatus majorum meorum ostentare: at, si res postulet, hastas, vexillum,
phaleras, alia dona militaria, praeterea cicatrices advorso corpore. Hae sunt          10
meae imagines, haec nobilitas, non haereditate relicta, ut illa illis, sed quae ego
plurimis meis laboribus, & periculis quaesivi. Non sunt composita verba mea.
Parum id facio. Ipsa se virtus satis ostendit: illis artificio opus est, uti turpia facta
oratione tegant. Neque litteras Graecas didici; parum placebat eas discere, quippe
quae ad virtutem doctoribus nihil profuerunt. At illa multo optuma reipublicae        15
doctus sum; hostis ferire, praesidia agitare; nihil metuere, nisi turpem famam;
hyemem, & aestatemi iuxta pati; humi requiescere; eodem tempore inopiam, &
laborem tolerare. His ego praeceptis milites hortabor: neque illos arte colam,
me opulenter; neque gloriam meam laborem illorum faciam. Hoc est utile, hoc
civile imperium. Namque, cum tute per mollitiem agas, exercitum supplicio             20
cogere, hoc est, dominum esse, non imperatorem. Haec, atque talia majores
vestri faciundo, seque, et rempublicam celebravere. Quis nobilitas freta, ipsa
dissimilis moribus, nos illorum aemulos contemnit; & omnis honores, non ex
merito, sed quasi debitos, a vobis repetit. Caeterum homines superbissumi
procul errant. Majores eorum omnia, quae licebat, illis relinquere, divitias,            25
imagines, memoriam sui praeclaram. Virtutem non reliquere; neque poterant.
Ea sola neque datur dono, neque accipitur.
    D. Bellum Jugurthinum - Chapter #13:
 
Caeterum fama tanti facinoris per omnem Africam brevi divulgatur: Atherbalem,
omnisque, qui sub Micipsae imperio fuerant, metus invadit. In duas partis
discedunt Numidae: plures Atherbalem sequuntur, sed illum alterum bello meliores.
Igitur Jugurtha, quam maxumas potest copias armat: urbis partim vi, alias voluntate
imperio suo adjungit: omni Numidae imperare parat. Atherbal, tametsi Romam      5
legatos miserat, qui senatum docerent de caede fratris, & fortunis suis; tamen
fretus multitudine militium, parabat armis contendere. Sed ubi res ad certamen venit,
victus ex praelio profugit in proviciam, ac dehinc Romam contendit. Tum Jugurtha
patratis consiliis, postquam omni Numidia potiebatur, in otio facinus suum cum animo
reputans, timere populum Romanum neque advorsus iram ejus usquam, nisi in       10
avaritia nobilitatis, & pecunia sua, spem habere. Itaque, paucis diebus, cum auro
argentoque multo legatos Romam mittit: quis praecipit, uti primum veteres amicos
muneribus expleant; dein novos acquirant: postremo, quemcunque possint largiundo
parare, ne cunctentur. Sed ubi Romam legati venere, & ex praecepto regis,
hospitibus, aliisque, quorum ea tempestate in senatu auctoritas pollebat, magna      15
munera misere: tanta cummutatio incessit, ut ex maxuma invidia in gratiam &
favorem nobilitatis Jugurtha veniret. Quorum pars spe, alii praemio inducti,
singulos ex senatu ambiundo, nitebantur, ne gravius in eum consuleretur.


NOTES
Selection A: Chapters 1-4 of the Bellum Catilinae constitute a preface in
    which Sallust claims that he will use his retirement in a productive manner.
    His primary activity will be writing a history which contrasts man's virtuous
    and meritorious accomplishments with the acts of greed and ambition of
    depraved and corrupted individuals, such as Catiline, whose character is then
    described in chapter five.

1.1 Lucius Sergius Catilina was born ca. 108 B.C. of the ancient patrician
        family, the Sergii; he died in battle in 62 B. C.; genere, abl.of source,
        generally without a preposition; vi and ingenio, ablatives of quality.

1.3 ibique iuventutem suam exercuit, 'and in those activities he spent his
        early manhood.' supra quam, 'more than.'

  1.4f simulator ac dissimulator, in apposition with animus.

1.5 sui profusus, "lavish with his own property."

1.6 understand erat ei.

  1.7 dominationem L. Sullae, the dictatorship of L. Sullae (82-79 B.C.) was
        an era stained by proscription lists, property confiscation, and much
        bloodshed.
1.8 the order is: neque habebat quidguam pensi, quibus modis assequeretur
        id, dum pararet regnum sibi.  dum ... pararet, a proviso clause, dum or
        dummodo introducing a provisional clause, plus the subjunctive.

1.9 rei familiaris, private means or estate.

1. 10 quae, an ad sensum construction where Sallust uses the neuter
        relative to refer to two or more feminine antecedents.

1.11f luxuria and avaritia are both in apposition with mala.

 
Selection B: Chapter 89 is a description of the Numidian town, Capsa, where
        there took place the first military campaign under the newly appointed,
        Roman military commander, Marius.

1.1f adire and avertere, historical infinitives.

1.2 mediocria, 'moderate (operations).'

1.3 in manus with venturum, 'would come to oppose him.'

1.4 accepit, 'perceived,' verb of perception with subject accusative and
        verb in infinitive; magis aspera (oppida), 'more troublesome towns.'

1.6 Hercules Libys, 'the Libyan Hercules,' the legendary discoverer and
        conqueror of Africa in Carthaginian mythology.

1.8 f. non modo ... verum etiam, 'not only ... but also.'

1.9 praeter, 'in addition to' and the accusative. propinqua, 'adjacent,'
        understand loca.

1.10 inopia, abl. of cause.

1.11 potiundi, gerundive of potior.

1.12 cum... tum, 'not only ... but also.'

1.15 iugi, adjective, ablative, singular, modifies aqua.

 


Selection C. This selection is an excerpt from a speech made by Marius, the
        newly elected consul and commander-in-chief of the Numidian campaign,
        in which he contrasts the practical experiences of a "common man" with
        the privileged estate of the nobility.

1.1 abunde, adverb, "in abundance."

l.2 fore = futuram esse, governed by ignoro.

1.2f. cum... lacerent, causal subjunctive.

1.3 non placuit (mihi) reticere, 'It did not seem right to me to be silent."

l. 3f quis modestiam in conscientiam duceret, "lest someone considers
        modesty for a sense of guilt.'

1.4 ex animi sententia, 'to the best of my knowlege,l or 'in my opinion.'

1.5 vera, understand oratio; falsam, understand orationem.

1.6 qui, antecedent is the personal pronoun implied in vestra.

1.8 fidei causa, 'for the sake of (obtaining) belief.'

1.10 advorso corpore, 'on the front of the body;' understand possum... ostentare.

1.11 haereditate relicta, abl. absolute.

1.13 opus est, plus ablative.

1.16 praesidia agitare, 'to conduct a garrison,' i.e., 'to stand guard.'

1.17 iuxta, adverb, 'in like manner.'

1.18 arte, adverb, 'firmly' or 'severely,' or 'meagerly.'

l.19 laborem, in apposition with gloriam.

1.20f exercitum supplicio cogere, explanatory of hoc, the subject of est.

1.22 quis = quibus.

1.25 relinquere = relinquerunt.

1.27 ea, antecendent is virtus. dono, dative of purpose.

 
Selection D: the early chapters of the Jugurthine War describe the usurpation
        of power in the kingdom of Numidia by Jugurtha from his half-brothers,
        Atherbal and Hiempsal. The chapter immediately preceding this selection
        describes the ruthless machinations of Jugurtha in the murder of Hiempsal.

1.2 Micipsae, Micipsa, father of Atherbal and Hiempsal, who on his deathbed
        adopted Jugurtha, his brother's son.

1.3 illum alterum = Jugurtha.

1.4 urbis = urbes, the -is and -es endings for the accusative plural of third
        declension -i stem nouns were both used by Sallust.

1.8 in proviciam, i.e., into the Roman province of Africa, formerly the territory
        of Carthage.

1.8f patratis consiliis, abl. absol.

1.10f timere, historical infinitive, 'he began to fear;' spem habere, same
        construction.

1.12 quis = quibus, dat. plural.

1.13 word order is: postremo ne cunctentur parare largiundo quemcunque
        possint.

1.14 venere = venerunt.

1.14f quorum, with auctoritas (influence).

1.17 ambiundo, 'by soliciting.'


REFERENCES

    Throughout his lifetime Thomas Jefferson was very fond of recommending to
students the reading of ancient history for instructional purposes. One such student was his own nephew, Peter Carr, to whom Jefferson suggested several ancient historians in a letter which he wrote from Paris on 19 August 1785:  
An honest heart being the first blessing, a knowing head is the second.
It is time for you now to begin to be choice in your reading; to begin to
pursue a regular course in it; and not to suff er yourself to be turned to
the right or left by reading anything out of that course. I have long ago
digested a plan for you, suited to the circumstances in which you will be
placed. This I will detail to you, from time to time, as you advance. For
the present, I advise you to begin a course of ancient history, reading
everything in the original and not in translations. First read Goldsmith's
history of Greece. This will give you a digested view of that field. Then
take up ancient history in detail, reading the following books, in the
following order: Herodotus, Thucydides, Xenophontis Anabasis, Arrian,
Quintus Curtius, Diodorus Siculus, Justin. This shall form the first stage
of your historical reading, and is all I need mention to you now. The next
will be of Roman history: Livy, Sallust, Caesar, Cicerols epistles, Suetonius,Tacitus, Gibbon.1


    To his dying day, Jefferson believed in the wisdom which could be derived from
the study of ancient history and he vividly confirms this belief in a letter which he wrote from Monticello on 25 October 1825 to, it is thought, George Washington Lewis, one of the first students enrolled at the University of Virginia. Sallust is included among those ancient historians whom Jefferson recommends:
 

In all cases I prefer original authors to compilers. For a course of ancient
history, therefore, of Greece and Rome especially, I should advise the
usual suite of Herodotus, Thucydides, Xenophon, Diodorus, Livy, Caesar, Suetonius, Tacitus and Dion, in their originals if understood, and in
translations if not. For its continuation to the final destruction of the
empire we must then be content with Gibbon, a compiler, and with Segur,
for a judicious recapitulation of the whole. After this general course, there
are a number of particular histories filling up the chasms, which may be
read at leisure in the progress of life. Such is Arrian, Curtius, Polybius,
Sallust, Plutarch, Dionysius Halicarnassus, Micasi, etc. The ancient
universal history should be on our shelves as a book of general reference, the most learned and most faithful perhaps that ever was written. Its
style is very plain but perspicuous.2


Indeed it was this very quality of plainness or brevity of diction, which Jefferson so admired in Sallust, that prompted him, while serving as President of the United States, to write to T.J. Randolph from Washington on 17 December 1808 the following evaluation of Sallust's style:

No stile of writing is so delightful as that which is all pith, which never
omits a necessary word, nor uses an unecessary one. The finest models
of this existing are Sallust and Tacitus, which on that account are worthy
of constant study.


    Even at the very twilight of his life, Jefferson continued to admire the logic and eloquence of the speeches of Sallust. In the following excerpt of a letter which Jefferson sent from Monticello on 20 April 1824 to David Harding, the president of the Jefferson Debating Society of Hingham, Massachusetts, he continues to heap praises on the merits to be gained from the study of Sallust, along with Livy and Tacitus:

 
The object of the society is laudable, and in a republican nation, whose
citizens are to be led by reason and persuasion, and not by force, the
art of reasoning becomes of first importance. In this line antiquity has
left us the finest models for imitation; and he who studies and imitates
them most nearly, will nearest approach the perfection of the art. Among
these I should consider the speeches of Livy, Sallust, and Tacitus, as
pre-eminent specimens of logic, taste, and that sententious brevity
which using not a word to spare, leaves not a moment for inattention
to the hearer.3


    Jefferson, as so many of his contemporaries, appreciated Sallust for his political messages as well as for his stylistic merits.4John Dickinson thought enough of Sallust to conclude his first "Letter from a Farmer in Pennsylvania" with the Latin tag, Concordia res parvae crescunt, a quote taken directly from chapter 10 of Sallust's Bellum Jugurthinum. The Reverend John Witherspoon, the famous president of Princeton in the late eighteenth century, was also so fond of Sallust that he is
reported to have frequently quoted from this author in his lectures. The most
eloquent tribute given Sallust in early American sources, however, is that of John Adams when he wrote to his son, John Quincy Adams on 18 May 1781 and said:

You go on, I presume, with your latin Exercises: and I wish to hear of
your beginning Sallust who is one of the most polished and perfect of
the Roman Historians, every Period of whom, and I had almost said every Syllable and every Letter is worth studying. In Company with Sallust,
Cicero, Tacitus and Livy, you will learn Wisdom and Virtue. You will see
them represented, with all the Charms which Language and Imagination
can exhibit, and Vice and Folly painted in all their Deformity and Horror.5



ENDNOTES

1. Julian Boyd (ed.), The Papers of Thomas Jefferson Vol. 8 (Princeton
        University Press; Princeton, New Jersey 1953) pp. 406-07.

2. See Adrienne Koch and William Peden, eds.), The Life and Selected
        Writings of Thomas Jefferson (The Modern Library; New York 1944)
        pp.722-26.

3. See Koch and Peden, The Life and Selected Writings of Thomas
        Jefferson, p. 713.

4. Jefferson's letter to James Madison in January of 1787 especially reveals
        the political sensitivities which were aroused in him when reading Sallust
        since the lessons of this author were vividly recalled when he reflected
        upon the political problems experienced by some of the eastern states late
        in 1786: "Societies exist under three forms sufficiently distinguishable.
        1. Without government, as among our Indians. 2. Under governments
        wherein the will of every man has a just influence, as is the case in England
        in a slight degree, and in our states in a great one. 3. Under governments
        of force: as is the case in all other monarchies and in most of the other
        republics. To have an idea of the curse of existence under these last, they
        must be seen. It is government of wolves over sheep. It is a problem, not
        clear in my mind, that the first condition is not the best. But I believe it to
        be inconsistent with any degree of population. The second state has a great
        deal of good in it. The mass of mankind under that enjoys a precious degree
        of liberty and happiness. It has its evils too: the principal of which is the
        turbulence to which it is subject. But weigh this against the oppressions of
        monarchy, and it becomes nothing. Malo periculosam, libertatem quam
        quietam servitutem." Jefferson's reflection here was a paraphrase of
        Sallust's Histories, I, 55, 26: potiorque visa est periculosa libertas quieto
        servitio. See Julian Boyd (ed.), The Papers of Thomas Jefferson Vol.11
        (Princeton University Press; Princeton, New Jersey 1955) pp.92-93.

5. See L. H. Butterfield (ed.), The Adams Papers: Adams Family
        Correspondence Vol 4 (The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press;
        Cambridge, Massachusetts 1973) p.117.